John Authers

I used to read Jason Zweig regularly. I have slipped now. Have not kept up with him lately. But, I do read John Authers. He is probably the most thoughtful market commentator writing currently. He was with Financial Times and he has moved to Bloomberg.

Without exception, his columns make you think. In more recent times, I will single out two pieces:

(1) ‘Don’t discount China’s role in the stock sell-off’. He is arguing that China’s economic weakness could be one underlying factor. Perhaps, he might have contradicted himself in the following piece where he writes about investors looking for ‘excuses’. He too might be looking for ‘excuses’ when he attributes a market move of a single day to a larger issue. There is a difference between catalysts and reasons. The reason for market crash: they are too expensive. They just cannot levitate at these levels. Expectations have gotten far ahead of reality. Period. No other reason needed. Everything else is a catalyst for this cause to create the effects.

In any case, I was more impressed with his analysis of Brexit.  He is absolutely right that ‘remainers’ cannot put the genie back into the bottle. He does not say it in so many words but things can never go back to being the same, even if a second referendum were held and it results in ‘Remain’ vote winning this time:

A second referendum seems more likely than it did. A lot has happened in the last two years, and much has been learnt. It seems reasonable to put the question again. But there is a real risk that this would result in a deeper nightmare scenario.

A second referendum might be as close as the first. A narrow victory for “Remain” would leave the country in the EU and almost half of the country with a lasting sense of injustice. A repeat of the first result would leave the country no further forward. Uncertainty would rise during the process. If the polls suggested that the country had now overwhelmingly turned in favor of staying in the EU, this calculation would be different, but there is no such evidence. [Link]

This reminds me of something that I tend to forget: sometimes, we cannot reverse certain decisions, even if we technically reverse them. Once the objective conditions have changed for good, it is impossible to restore them. So, some policy decisions cannot be reversed, even if we are open-minded about evidence and are prepared to swallow pride and reverse them. That puts the onus on getting it right the first time and also teaches us to be humble about unintended consequences and uncertainty in general.

While on the topic of Brexit, you should read Mervyn King’s op.-ed. too on the topic. He asks the UK Parliament not to endorse the deal (or, no-deal) that the British PM has arrived at. He says it is a ‘heads I lose; tails you win’ deal that UK has given the EU. It is a bit hard to sympathise with the plight of the Brits. I am reading ‘The Indian summer: the secret history of the end of an empire’. What one learns makes it hard to feel sympathetic for their travails now.

Apart from that, Mervyn King states publicly what we all know about the European Economic and Monetary Union:

the political nature of the EU has changed since monetary union. The EU failed to recognize that the euro would demand fiscal and political integration if it was to succeed, and that countries outside the euro area would require a different kind of EU membership. It was inevitable, therefore, that, sooner or later, Britain would decide to withdraw from a political project in which it had little interest apart from the shared desire for free trade. [Link]

(2) The second recent John Authers’ piece that I liked is the one titled, ‘Behind the Market Turmoil Lies Nothing But Excuses’. These conclusions are valid:

My best guess is that people were in need of an excuse to buy bonds Monday, catching others in a “short squeeze,” as many had been betting on higher bond yields. Plenty of others wanted to escape the stock market with gains while they could, and that carried on until prices had fallen enough to trigger the algorithms to buy stocks.

After years of central bank quantitative easing, there are lots of positions in markets that make little sense. Their holders have been awaiting for excuses to unload them. Keep tuned to see whether there really are convincing reasons to buy bonds or stocks. This week has been a litany of excuses. [Link]

Searching for fundamental reasons for market action is futile, especially for a market that has been rising for so long on the back of enormous leverage-based stock buyback aided by extraordinary global monetary accommodation. It simply had to end.

The return of robber-barons?

I receive the NBER digest every month and the papers that the Digest features are almost always very interesting. In the October 2018 Digest, I came across this paper:

Are EU Markets More Competitive than Those in the U.S.? 

Since 2000, gross profit rates in the United States have risen and industry concentration has soared, but these trends are not found in the European Union.
Until the late 1990s, most U.S. markets were viewed as highly competitive relative to their international counterparts. Many European countries implemented U.S.-style free market regulatory models during this time period. 

In How EU Markets Became More Competitive Than U.S. Markets: A Study of Institutional Drift (NBER Working Paper No. 24700), Germán Gutiérrez and Thomas Philippon argue that over the last two decades, U.S. markets have gradually become less competitive, and that, because this trend was not echoed in Europe, European markets today are actually more competitive than those in the United States. In many cases, the EU markets exhibit lower levels of industry concentration and excess profitability, as well as fewer regulatory barriers to entry.

The researchers find that starting around 2000, gross profit rates in the United States began to increase while the labor share declined. These developments are much more muted in the EU. A similar trend is observed in measures of industry concentration.

The researchers explore whether industry composition drove the divergence in concentration. They consider whether the emergence of high-tech industries drove the broad increase in concentration observed in the United States. They discount that explanation, noting that “the rise in U.S. concentration since 2000 is pervasive across most sectors, just as the stability/decline in EU concentration is.” Industries that experienced significant increases in concentration in the United States, such as telecom and airlines, did not experience parallel changes in the EU.

In the airline industry, the researchers find, the “rise in U.S. concentration and profits closely aligns with a controversial merger wave that includes Delta-Northwest (2008), United-Continental (2010), Southwest-AirTran (2011) and American-US Airways (2014).”

They suggest that the divergence in market competitiveness between the U.S. and Europe is related to the powers granted to EU regulatory institutions at their inception. They note that both the European Central Bank and the Directorate-General for Competition were given more political independence than parallel institutions in the United States and thus have been able to pursue more aggressive antitrust enforcement in recent years. In the U.S. between 1996 and 2008, they write, the Federal Trade Commission “…essentially stopped enforcing mergers when the number of remaining competitors is 5 or more.” 

In all areas of antitrust the researchers find decreasing enforcement in the United States and increasing enforcement in the EU. The Directorate-General for Competition is more likely to pursue “abuse of dominance” cases than is the U.S. authority, and financial penalties in cartel cases tripled as a share of EU GDP between 2000 and 2016.

The decline in U.S. market competitiveness has had meaningful consequences for U.S. consumers, the researchers point out. Broadband internet prices in the U.S., for example, are significantly higher than in the EU, where the telecom industry is less concentrated. 

They buttress their case for the comparative lack of political independence of U.S. regulatory bodies by noting the higher levels of both lobbying and campaign contributions in the U.S. than in the EU. Political campaign contributions are 50 times higher in the U.S. than in the EU.

Source:The NBER Digest, October 2018

It is often assumed that a capitalist economy is a competitive economy. But, it need not be. Is Capitalism synonymous with competition? In theory, it is. In practice, it is not. The guy with the most market capitalisation wins? Is that capitalism?

Sarah O’ Connor’s piece in FT on how big companies are pushing governments around confirms why market concentration rises. Governments are doing the bidding of companies and not that of real markets. Pro-business is not pro-market. Pro-business is anti-competition and ani-consumer. Even anti-society.

‘The Economist’ now suggests or describes how labour unions are regrouping using technology to re-establish themselves or how technology is allowing workers to regroup themselves. Technological developments might have led to the erosion in their power base. Funny that ‘The Economist’ does not include globalisation and the offshoring of jobs as one of the things that led to the erosion of the powers of labour unions. In any case, it is good for capitalism too that labour unions are coming back.

May be, this is what is needed for the rising tide of market concentration in America to be reversed.

Amusing and priceless

This is the amusing stuff:

“Juncker vows to turn euro into reserve currency to rival US dollar”

He must pay close attention at least the topline results of the PEW Survey I had blogged on earlier.

A quick recap:

Underneath Mr. Macron’s pro-European rhetoric, the French people are only closely behind Italy in their distaste for the European project. Politicians do not command much trust. The public is confused and worried on immigration. Distrust of media is rather high as it is the case with financial institutions.

(2) This is priceless stuff:

“Aung San Suu Kyi defends verdict against Reuters journalists”

This underscores the ‘free lunch’ of being a ‘Liberal’ outside the government and how difficult it is to govern as a ‘Liberal’. Indeed, there is an inherent contradiction being in government and being Liberal.

Summer of discontent in China and Europe

Nikkei Asia Review had some excellent articles on Xi Jinping’s political troubles this summer. He is not executing the trade war well. All the media pundits who ‘egged him on’ cannot really help. The simple math that Trump relied on – I import more from you than you import from me and therefore, I can hurt you more with my tariffs – seems to have eluded many complicated economists and pundits. The summer chastisement of Xi by party elders therefore makes for interesting read. You can read them here, here and here.

This captures a lot of things:

The revised regulations stipulate the importance of “resolutely upholding the core status of General Secretary Xi in the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee and the entire Party.” This sentence holds significant meaning and marks a step forward for Xi. Earlier, the party had only talked about “resolutely upholding the Central Committee with Xi Jinping at the core.” The revised disciplinary regulations strengthen the wording regarding “core,” giving the impression that Xi, not the party’s collective leadership, is being highlighted. Now anyone who makes light of Xi faces punitive action. [Link]

South China Morning Post has a story on how it is not just trade but even Chinese investments that are now threatened because the rest of the world has wisened up.

Some interesting and unresolved long-term dilemmas crop up in the tension between European Union and Hungary. The European Parliament has censured Hungary. The censure motion got the required two-thirds majority. But, does it smack of hypocrisy and inconsistency? Hungarian people had voted him back to office just few months ago with a bigger mandate. He is pursuing policies that he had done before and which the voters have approved. So, is the European Parliament censuring him for being faithful to his people’s preferences?

Interestingly, heard a talk by Dr. S. Jaishankar in Singapore last afternoon. He was India’s foreign secretary. He said that the alliance between Italian Deputy PM Matteo Salvini and Orban of Hungary was the talking point of his meetings in Europe two weeks ago.

A comprehensive survey of people’s attitudes towards public institutions like military, parliament, financial institutions and the media, towards immigrants, etc., was published by Pew just two months ago. Europe is conflicted. For example, majority in many countries say that immigrants contribute to economy. But, the vote for the question of whether immigrants increase terror risk runs very close. Germany, in fact, has a net positive score. That is, the proportion that says immigrants increase terror risk exceeds those that say that immigrants don’t increase terror risk by 9 percentage points, followed by 4% points in Italy. Surprisingly, of the other countries, Sweden has the lowest negative differential: -6%.

On immigration, one has to interpret positive sentiments with a bit of scepticism. Respondents want to project themselves as open-minded. But, the truth is that negative sentiments and scepticism run deeper. The proof of the pudding is in the way the vote has swung in Sweden and in the rising popularity of AfD in Germany. No wonder Europe experienced a heat wave this summer.

Attitudes towards the European Union’s dominance in national policy discourse – more power should be returned to national governments – is uniformly negative. Indeed, 73% in the UK feel that more power should be returned to national governments. Even more than in Italy. Those who want to put Brexit to a second vote should note.

Financial Institutions are not trusted (either not at all or not too much) by a substantial majority in Italy, Spain and France. It is 46% in Germany and in the UK. But, distrust of media is uniformly high in all countries (not trusted at all or somewhat not trusted) with the exception of the Netherlands, Sweden and Germany. In the trust quotient, media scores lower than financial institutions! That is some achievement.

The lesson is that the so-called centrist and mainstream politicians and elites are failing in walking the fine line between acknowledging as real people’s perceptions and grievances and in appearing to be legitimising extremist political parties. The challenge lies in doing the former without doing the latter. It takes a lot of hard work, deft communication and repetitive messaging along with tangible measures on the law and order front, etc. It is hard work and, out of laziness, many mainstream politicians are taking the easy out: lumping all sentiments as xenophobia. So, they turn it into a lose-lose situation. They lose their people and they lose to their more extreme alternatives.

Weekend Levity and Serious stuff

Volkswagen has a ‘Head of Integrity’ [Link]

Mr. Karan Thapar chides the Indian government for not accepting the offer of aid from the Government of the UAE. The newspaper that published his article has a good response.

Amrit Dhillon in ‘Business Standard’ on the ‘End of #metoo’ [Link]

Recycling India’s floral waste. It will be very good if it happens. [Link]

Rujuta Diwekar wonders why chocolates, potato chips and cola have not been called ‘pure poison’ while coconut oil has been? Valid point.

Liked or eyebrows raised

(1) Last six words of this article are unfortunate. No reasonable person has said that the payroll data released by EPFO in India has settled the jobs debate. Those data are only the beginning of the journey to get to reasonably reliable formal job creation data sometime in the future.

It is a lesson for all writers, including me. We want to end with a flourish. Therefore, we tend to resort to hyperboles. Better to end on a sober and mature note.

(2) No comments required:

Foreign direct investment is usually perceived as long-term strategic and stable investment reflecting fundamental location decisions of multinational firms. Such investment is often thought to bring job creation, production, construction of new factories, and transfer of technology. However, a new study (Damgaard and Elkjaer 2017) combines detailed statistics on foreign direct investment published by the OECD with the broad coverage of the IMF’s Coordinated Direct Investment Survey and finds that a stunning $12 trillion—almost 40 percent of all foreign direct investment positions globally—is completely artificial: it consists of financial investment passing through empty corporate shells with no real activity. [Link]

(3) Unlike in the case of Brexit, the force behind Italian parties that have come to power are the youth of Italy because they felt betrayed by the traditional parties. Could be behind paywall.

(4) India’s Chief Economic Advisor is leaving in two months’ time. Didn’t know that he is expecting a grandchild in September. On the whole, he has every reason to be satisfied with the job he did. He did make the annual Economic Survey a lot more interesting and readable. I am glad that I had a discussion with him in February for the Chennai International Centre and that it went down very well with the audience that day.

(5) Arvind Subramanian and his colleague from the Ministry of Finance wrote about revenue collection under India’s Goods and Services Tax and States’s share for ‘Indian Express’. They are happy with what they see. Chances are high that it gets only better. They are right to suggest that the cesses should go; excluded commodities be brought under the tax and that the rates can be lowered too. They don’t say so directly, however (‘scope for revisiting rates and cesses’ is what they write).

(6) Just saw the breaking news in FT that Atul Gawande has been appointed to chief executive of a venture between Amazon, JPMorgan and Warren Buffett’s Berkshire Hathaway to tackle US employee healthcare. Good choice.

(7) Sathya Nadella, CEO of Microsoft has sent a mail to his employees about the American immigration policy that is separating children from the adults who cross into the United States illegally. It has stoked a fierce backlash. I also happened to see this blog post last night. For some context, see this.

(8) IMF had a working paper published in March 2018 on the distribution of gains from globalisation. Some important conclusions:

The regulatory and economic dimensions of economic globalization contribute to increasing inequality.

Increases in foreign direct investments are significantly associated with rising inequality. For other globalization indicators, notably trade, there is no significant evidence for such an association. This supports the view that it is capital flows rather than trade flows that tend to drive the inequality-increasing effect of globalization.

These studies suggest that greater openness to foreign capital flows may exacerbate unequal financial access and can increase the likelihood of financial crises that raise income inequality. [Link]

Finally, the authors point out the impact of globalisation is non-linear. It is substantial and more positive if existing levels of globalisation are low; not if they are already high.

That is a favourite of mine. Relationships in economics are both asymmetric and non-linear. ‘Asymmetry’ (positive but not negative and vice-versa) and ‘non-linearity’ (like the example given above) are two different things.

Market Concentration, markups and profits

Srinivas Thiruvadanthai had queried in his Twitter handle if one could have good data on the distribution of US corporate profits between companies. I would be interested in that question too. So, I went looking. This is what I found:

slightly more than 100 firms earned about half of the total profit made by US public firms in 1975. By 2015, just 30 did. Zoom out a little and the trend is even more astonishing. The top 200 companies by earnings raked in more than all listed firms, combined. Indeed, the aggregate earnings of the 3,500 or so other listed companies is negative. [Link]

The article above has some nice charts and links to this paper too about the decline of the number of listed firms in the US.

Chicago Booth School’s promarket.org blog has a post on the 70-year history of corporate profits. It is a summary of a long paper:

Two notable policy changes point to the early 1980s as a possible break in the trends in competition. First, there was an increase in antitrust enforcement from the mid-1940s to the early 1980s, followed by a decline from the early 1980s to the present.3) Second, the Department of Justice adopted a more lenient merger guideline in 1982. As Peltzman (2014) shows, industry concentration began rising after this change to the merger guideline. [Link]

The promarket.org blog post links to some very interesting NBER papers:

(i) Labor Market Concentration [Link]

(ii) Declining Competition and Investment in the U.S. [Link]

(iii) Strong Employers and Weak Employees: How Does Employer Concentration Affect Wages? [Link]

(iv) Accounting for Rising Corporate Profits: Intangibles or Regulatory Rents? [Link]

(v) Are U.S. Industries Becoming More Concentrated? [Link] – this one is from 2015 and above others are more recent

Consistent with rising product and labour market concentration, the IMF Blog has an interesting chart on rising markups in advanced economies (not just in the USA) and its conclusion too is very instructive:

The paper also finds a negative association in firms between labor shares and markups, implying that the labor share of income declines in industries where market power rises. In other words, with higher market power, the share of firms’ revenue going to workers decreases, while the share of revenue going to profits increases. [Link]

The blog post is based on a working paper that is yet to be released.

The blog post has a link to the session on ‘Digitisation and the new gilded age’ held as part of the Spring IMF-World Bank meetings in April. Should be interesting.

What these posts and news make clear is that it is not just competition from Chinese imports, globalisation of work (outsourcing and offshoring of services)  and higher immigration that had reduced labour share of income in advanced economies but also higher market concentration that has increased profit share of income. Clearly, these are inter-dependent and inter-connected phenomenon. For example, to ward off external competition, firms merge and smaller firms disappear, leading to increased concentration. That leads to other consequences.

But, policymakers, commentators and journalists have been asleep at the wheel even though some of these papers had begun to appear from 2010 onwards. Now, they look askance at public rage and spout venom at populists who have tapped into this rage.